Loading ...President Aoun, Beware of Washington's Embrace
By: Ghassan Rubeiz / Arab America Contributing Writer
The US has a knack for partnering with leaders who pursue unrealistic dreams. The Arab world has learned a clear lesson: if the United States chooses to embrace you, you will likely end up the loser. Last week, Morgan Ortagus, the United States’ Deputy Special Envoy for Middle East Peace, visited Lebanon to press President Aoun and other Lebanese leaders to curb the influence of Hezbollah and pursue dialogue with Israel.
According to The National, a daily from the United Arab Emirates, Ortagus “was expected to press Lebanese officials for a clear timetable for the disarmament of the group, and to push for the beginning of talks between Israel and Lebanon on the demarcation of their border, currently marked by the Blue Line drawn by the UN in 2000.” Saudi Arabia is also demanding that Lebanese authorities disarm Hezbollah. Saudi news site Asharq al-Awsat reported that Lebanese airport security has fired thirty luggage porters and plans to reduce further Hezbollah’s control of Rafic Al Hariri International Airport.
The new and apparently credible Lebanese cabinet is mandated to introduce much-needed reforms, but it has not yet gained support from its deeply divided society. The international community is eager to offer Lebanon financial support provided that the Lebanese state disarm Hezbollah, a resistance force as strong as the Lebanese national army.
(While I don’t believe Hezbollah’s military force is needed in Lebanon anymore, I do want to point out that the term “disarm” is a loaded term often used by Israel and its supporters to label Hezbollah as “terrorists”, and thus justify violent retaliation.)
But disarming Hezbollah will not be easy. Hezbollah has more combat experience than any armed group in the Arab world. Moreover, the Lebanese Shiites, which Hezbollah represents, are also well-represented in the national army. Those advocating a quick fix for Hezbollah often refer to Israel’s success in weakening the resistance group. Still, such a psychological and material blow to the powerful militia makes it all the more sensitive to any further efforts to curb its influence at home.
Those arguing for the use of force to pressure Hezbollah to disband may not appreciate that Hezbollah has, for many years, provided its fighters with jobs, social services, protection, and purpose in a divided and corrupt state. There are different ways to preserve the integrity of the Lebanese state without humiliating Hezbollah. Starting to curb its influence by firing airport luggage porters may read as an act of revenge against the poor and unemployed. Far better would be to fire anyone at the airport demonstrably connected with drug and arms smuggling.
If Washington is eager to contain Hezbollah, it should think strategically. It must start dialogue with Iran – a large and proud Islamic country – without threats of annihilation. A US-Iran revived nuclear plan could motivate the Islamic Republic to stop using Hezbollah as a proxy. And suppose the Saudis are keen to reduce Hezbollah’s dominance in Lebanon. In that case, they must try their best to persuade President Trump, during his Saudi visit later this month, to work out a solution with Iran as soon as possible.
Contrary to what Prime Minister Netanyahu argued during his Washington visit this week, attacking Iran might backfire. The unprovoked US invasion of Iraq, nearly two decades ago, devastated one of the most resource-rich Arab countries and cost American taxpayers three trillion US dollars.
When taking a Lebanese resistance fighter’s gun away, you want to give him an alternative: a job, a classroom, a future. If Arab Gulf countries want to help Lebanon create alternative opportunities for youth and the unemployed, they could fund massive economic, educational, and health initiatives for the many displaced communities in Beirut’s poor suburbs and the war-devastated south. And if the new cabinet is serious about political reform, it must address the secularization of the political system. A good start might be rotating the presidency of Lebanon among the four major sects (Shiites, Sunnis, Christians, and Druze).
It makes no sense to talk about political reform without changing Lebanon’s political structure, including its constitution. Rushing to demilitarize Hezbollah outside the context of political reform is unlikely to go anywhere. President Aoun should be careful not to become too dependent on US counsel.
Ghassan Rubeiz is the former Middle East Secretary of the World Council of Churches. Earlier, he taught psychology and social work in his country of birth, Lebanon, and later in the United States, where he currently lives. He has contributed to political commentary for the past twenty years and delivered occasional public talks on peace, justice, and interfaith subjects. You can reach him at rubeizg@gmail.com
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the position of Arab America. The reproduction of this article is permissible with proper credit to Arab America and the author.
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